Using Catalan and Mayangna data as evidence, I claim that experiencer predicates are drawn from a universal structure, headed by the functional projection vEXPP. According to this structure, an experience-denoting N is merged with a V-head to obtain an experience predication, which may take a source of experience phrase as its specifier. The experiencer, introduced by the vEXP head, c-commands the source of experience allowing for a ‘parasitic’ possession relationship. Additionally, the data presented here show that a limited subset of experience phrases allow an agentive reading. I argue that such agentive interpretation is the result of the merging in the structure of an agentive functional head, vAG, generated above vEXPP. In turn, this agentive functional head is responsible for the introduction of the agentive, external argument.
How to Cite:
Viñas-de-Puig, R. (2008). Agentivity and experiencer verbs in Catalan and Mayangna and the roles of ‘little v’. Journal of Portuguese Linguistics, 7(2), 151–172. DOI: http://doi.org/10.5334/jpl.132